There is no middleground in this discourse, rues J S BANDUKWALA writing in The Indian Express
In a span of four months, Anna Hazare is on a second fast unto death on the issue of corruption, and for his proposed Jan Lokpal, which he says will substantially curb corruption. The media is all out to boost Anna. The question is essentially framed as a fight against corruption: either one is against corruption and therefore for Anna Hazare, or one is against Anna and therefore for corruption.
There is no middle ground — that asks, for example, whether the proposed Bill will actually reduce corruption. It presumes that a multitude of Lokpals/Lokayuktas will cover about 14 million Central and state government employees. Assuming a modest figure of one complaint per 100 employees, we may have around 140,000 employees investigated every year. These complaints are to be investigated in a fixed time. Even if one Lokpal can handle 100 cases a year, we will still need 1,400 Lokpals.
Their appointment, and, in the rare case, removal, would be substantially outside the powers of the prime minister. Incidentally their removal would be even more difficult than the removal of senior judges, which is already almost impossible.
Much more frightening is the power such a Lokpal/Lokayukta would exercise over the senior judiciary and the council of ministers. By just a simple threat to initiate an inquiry he would cripple the authority of the judiciary as well as the council of ministers. Note that this would run across the entire spectrum: from budgets, to defence, to foreign affairs. Most important, they would even exercise restraining powers over the use or non-use of nuclear weapons. In one stroke the prime minister would lose his administrative aura.
I am surprised the BJP is supporting the Anna movement. Do they seriously want to cripple a future BJP prime minister?
Sadly, in our country the renunciation of power and wealth leads to acquiring a halo along the lines of the Mahatma. But should we not ponder whether the individual is capable of handling the huge responsibilities that goes with that halo? Everyone cannot be a Gandhi. And, just to remind our countrymen, our Dalit brethren very much resent the fast unto death used by Gandhiji at Pune 80 years ago.
Finally, it is time to condemn these fasts unto death. They are blatant emotional blackmail. The tactic may have made some sense for the towering figure of Gandhi, and under colonial rule. But it is totally disruptive of constitutional structure in an elective democracy, where over 80 per cent of voters exercise their rights.
Lest we forget, this civil society has no place for the poor, Dalits, tribals, backwards and minorities.
(The writer retired as professor of physics from MS University, Baroda. He is president of the Gujarat chapter of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties)
Much more frightening is the power such a Lokpal/Lokayukta would exercise over the senior judiciary and the council of ministers. By just a simple threat to initiate an inquiry he would cripple the authority of the judiciary as well as the council of ministers. Note that this would run across the entire spectrum: from budgets, to defence, to foreign affairs. Most important, they would even exercise restraining powers over the use or non-use of nuclear weapons. In one stroke the prime minister would lose his administrative aura.
I am surprised the BJP is supporting the Anna movement. Do they seriously want to cripple a future BJP prime minister?
Sadly, in our country the renunciation of power and wealth leads to acquiring a halo along the lines of the Mahatma. But should we not ponder whether the individual is capable of handling the huge responsibilities that goes with that halo? Everyone cannot be a Gandhi. And, just to remind our countrymen, our Dalit brethren very much resent the fast unto death used by Gandhiji at Pune 80 years ago.
Finally, it is time to condemn these fasts unto death. They are blatant emotional blackmail. The tactic may have made some sense for the towering figure of Gandhi, and under colonial rule. But it is totally disruptive of constitutional structure in an elective democracy, where over 80 per cent of voters exercise their rights.
Lest we forget, this civil society has no place for the poor, Dalits, tribals, backwards and minorities.
(The writer retired as professor of physics from MS University, Baroda. He is president of the Gujarat chapter of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties)
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